Welcoming Remarks by H.E. Cho Tae-yul

Minister of Foreign Affairs

at the Official Dinner of the Jeju Forum (May 29)

Secretary-General Wamkele Mene of the African Continental Free Trade Area Secretariat,

Former US Ambassador to Korea, Admiral Harry Harris,

State Secretary Melita Gabrič of Slovenia,

Member of the House of Councilors of Japan, Madam Shiomura Ayaka

Members of the National Assembly, Mr. 문대림 and Mr. 김준형,

My esteemed predecessors,

Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is my distinct privilege to host this event at the 20th session of the Jeju Forum for Peace and Prosperity this evening.

In the years since its inception in 2001, the Jeju Forum has grown into a leading international platform to discuss pathways toward sustainable peace and shared prosperity on the Korean Peninsula and throughout Northeast Asia.

This year’s Forum coincides with the 20th anniversary of Jeju’s designation as the “Island of World Peace” in 2005.

True to this designation, Jeju has been home to major diplomatic events: the 2009 Korea–ASEAN Special Summit and the 2010 Korea–China–Japan Trilateral Summit, not to mention the groundbreaking summit with the Soviet Union in 1991, which paved the way to detente on the Korean Peninsula.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

When the Jeju Forum was founded in the early 2000s, the international landscape looked markedly different from that of today.

Back then, the post-Cold War period was in its heyday and the United States exercised unrivaled power and influence in global affairs.

For all intents and purposes, it was indeed a unipolar world.

The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 were soon followed by wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.

Tensions also escalated on the Korean Peninsula with the onset of the second North Korean nuclear crisis.

It was against this backdrop that the Jeju Forum emerged, championing a vision of peace and prosperity through multilateral security cooperation, confidence building, and economic integration.

Today, we stand at the cusp of a post post-Cold War era.

The contours of this era have yet to be fully defined.

As this year’s Munich Security Conference put it, “while the extent to which today’s world is already multipolar is debatable, the world’s ‘multipolarization’ is a fact.

On the one hand, power is shifting towards a larger number of actors.

On the other hand, there is growing polarization both between and within many states.”

Whatever one may think of this depiction, suffice it to say that, today, deepening strategic competition between the United States and China is coexisting uncomfortably with real strains in the robust transatlantic partnership of likeminded nations that permeated much of the post-World War II period.

As a consequence, the ballast of international stability is receding and fractures in the existing international order are growing more pronounced.

Paradoxically, however, these seismic shifts in the geopolitical and geoeconomic landscape are also expanding the space for middle powers like Korea to step in and step up.

Moreover, if there is to be a semblance of order in the post post-Cold War, it behooves middle powers like Korea to shoulder greater responsibilities befitting their international stature.

International order cannot be underpinned by great powers alone.

Distinguished Guests,

In broad terms, Korea has been pulling its weight to help make sure that the post post-Cold War order remains conducive to peace and prosperity, starting from our region and extending beyond.

This has been particularly true of the last three years, and especially so during my tenure as Foreign Minister.

Let me elaborate on this:

First, Korea has been upgrading its alliance with the United States to adapt to the current security landscape and further advancing its partnership with Japan.

The Korea-US alliance has been recalibrated towards emerging challenges such as staying ahead on critical technologies and upholding economic security.

At the same time, the alliance has been enhancing its ability to undertake its longstanding mission of countering the security threat posed by North Korea.

Strengthening extended deterrence against North Korea’s growing nuclear and missile threats through the Nuclear Consultative Group is a key example.

The second Trump administration has also been unwavering in its commitment to the Korea-US alliance, and not least throughout the last several months of political uncertainty.

The Korean government is also working closely with the Trump administration to unleash the full potential of our economic cooperation and partnership, including through win-win cooperation in shipbuilding and LNG as well as balancing trade.

In ongoing tariff discussions with the US, Korea is seeking to leverage its unique position as both a security ally and a Free Trade Agreement partner, as we pursue a mutually beneficial solution.

This positive momentum can also be seen in our trilateral cooperation with Japan.

Secretary Rubio of the US, Minister Iwaya of Japan and I have already held two trilateral meetings since the new Trump administration came to office in January.

Robust trilateral Korea-US-Japan cooperation is dependent on the health of Korea-Japan bilateral relations.

Indeed, the trilateral partnership is akin to a three-legged stool, the stability of which rests on the strength and balance of three bilateral relationships: that is Korea-US, US-Japan and Korea-Japan.

The Korea-Japan dimension has traditionally been the weakest and shortest leg.

Fortunately, no relationship has seen more progress over the past three years than Korea’s partnership with Japan.

Both Korea and Japan must make utmost efforts to prevent this hard-won momentum from backsliding.

In the face of common challenges and in light of our shared values and interests, strengthening cooperation between Korea and Japan is not a matter of choice, but a necessity.

I sincerely believe that the best way to shape a brighter future is to move first to free my own thinking and behavior from the shackles of the past, rather than wait for the other side to do so, as this will no doubt prompt the other side to follow suit.

One could not think of a more auspicious occasion to walk this path than this year, which marks the 60th anniversary of the normalization of relations between Korea and Japan.

Second, we have been trying to strategically manage our ties with other neighbors.

This includes managing the fallout of US-China strategic competition.

Whenever I sit down with my Chinese and American colleagues, I make one point unequivocally clear : The United States is Korea’s irreplaceable ally.

China is Korea’s largest trading partner.

An ally is an ally, while a partner is a partner.

This is a point that even Beijing does not contest.

But as I’m sure is the case for many countries represented in this room, the consequences of the escalating US-China rivalry is acutely felt by Korea.

The more intense the rivalry, the starker the difficulties and dilemmas for the rest.

Great power rivalry may not be something we can control, but mitigating its unintended repercussions is.

In recent years, Korea’s bilateral relationship with China has been moving towards a healthier and more mature partnership.

In areas where we disagree, for example in the South China Sea and the Yellow Sea, we will continue to speak with candor.

Our principled approach to China has been vindicated by the fact that dialogues between our two countries have been reactivated at all levels over the past year including two meetings between our leaders and four foreign ministerial meetings.

We will continue to work towards a healthy and balanced relationship with China on the basis of mutual respect, reciprocity, and shared interests.

Korea and China are consecutively hosting the APEC Leaders’ Meetings this fall and next year, which will provide us with another good opportunity to advance this goal.

When Korea spearheaded the resumption of Korea-Japan-China trilateral cooperation from its dormancy last year, it was partly guided by the view that Korea and Japan’s active engagement can help encourage China’s constructive role in upholding peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific and beyond.

Engaging China would also help prevent a great power war in the 21st century from becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy.

On Russia, there can be no business as usual when the war in Ukraine continues unabated and Russia’s military cooperation with North Korea continues to go beyond the pale.

Pyongyang and Moscow finally acknowledged the deployment of North Korean troops to Russia.

Their acknowledgement compels us to reckon with the rising prospects of a significantly more dangerous North Korean military, battle-hardened and bolstered by technology transfer.

Nonetheless, we cannot dismiss the geopolitical reality that Russia remains a key player for the present and future of the Korean Peninsula -- a fact that explains why we have not ceased to communicate with Russia.

The recent Korea-Russia consular consultations which took place last week after a seven-year hiatus is a case in point.

One thing I would like to emphasize here is that Russia  needs to be alert to the dangers of providing North Korea with cutting-edge military technology that enable Pyongyang to directly threaten the United States.

This will embolden Pyongyang to potentially undertake more provocative behavior in the region out of the belief that US security can be decoupled from those of its East Asian allies.

Negotiations to end the war in Ukraine must ensure that North Korea is not rewarded for its unlawful military cooperation with Russia.

Nor should North Korea be allowed to retain the ability to wreak nuclear destruction on South Korea, even if Pyongyang professes that it would give up the ability to strike across the Pacific.

Third, we are helping to strengthen international order by expanding and deepening multi-layered networks with like-minded partners in the Indo-Pacific, the G7 and the NATO.

Slowly but surely, our partnership with the G7 is evolving.

This can be seen in Korea’s participation last year in a range of G7 ministerial meetings encompassing finance and trade, as well as the Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Italy which I had the pleasure of attending.

At a time when strengthening cooperation among Euro-Atlantic and Indo-Pacific countries has never been more important, the G7 offers an effective platform for advancing inter-regional partnerships to reinforce global order.

Our likeminded partners in the G7 would also stand to benefit from a Korea that steps out of its comfort zone and increasingly “thinks and acts big.”

As the host of APEC this year, we are coordinating closely with Canada, which is chairing the G7 on its historic 50th anniversary, seeking to maximize synergy between APEC and the G7.

In this vein, we welcome Prime Minister Mark Carney’s recent reference to Korea as a likeminded partner for the G7.

In an era where the security of Europe is increasingly being intertwined with that of the Indo-Pacific, it makes every sense for Korea, Australia, Japan and New Zealand, or IP4 countries, to strengthen their partnership with NATO.

The upcoming NATO Summit in The Hague next month will provide another opportunity for NATO and IP4 countries to deepen their joint efforts to tackle shared security challenges.

Last November in Seoul, Korea also launched a strategic dialogue with the EU and signed a security and defense partnership.

Korea’s strategic partnership with India is another critical pillar.

Minister Jaishankar and I co-chaired the first Joint Commission Meeting in six years and our two countries have also held trilateral Korea-India-US and Korea-India-Japan meetings to address shared challenges over the past year.

Fourth, we have been cultivating a stronger and broader partnership with the Global South.

For the first time ever, Korea held collective summit meetings with the leaders of Pacific Island countries in 2023 and with Africa last year.

In particular, the inaugural Korea-Africa Summit in 2024 laid a foundation for a mutually beneficial partnership based on “Shared Growth, Sustainability, and Solidarity” with presence of 34 African leaders.

Korea also upgraded its ties with ASEAN last year to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, heralding a new era of deeper cooperation in ROK-ASEAN relations.

Some four decades ago, I began my first overseas assignment in Thailand.

Last month, I made my last visit as the outgoing Foreign Minister to Vietnam.

This full circle is a symbolic reminder that Southeast Asia is a critical pillar of Korea's foreign policy.

Our collaboration with friends and partners in Central Asia and Latin America have also been strengthened through bilateral visits including by the leaders and on the occasion of major multilateral gatherings such as APEC Summit in Lima and the G20 Summit in Rio last year.

It has been a great privilege for me to personally oversee the long-awaited establishment of Korea’s diplomatic relations with Cuba in my early weeks as Foreign Minister, and recently with Syria in the waning weeks.

These milestones marked the consummation of Korea’s formal diplomatic ties with all 191 UN member states.

To be honest, I was fortunate to harvest the fruits of seeds sown and cultivated by my predecessors -- some of whom are here with us this evening.

Finally, we have been actively playing a bridging role on the global stage as a facilitator, supporter and initiator.

As an elected member of the UN Security Council, Korea has endeavored to play a constructive role amid a deepening institutional paralysis of the Security Council that has hampered the Council’s ability to speak with one voice on critical security issues of the day.

It should come as no surprise that we have been calling on the Security Council to respond firmly to Pyongyang’s nuclear program and its human rights violations.

But going beyond Korean Peninsula issues, we have also actively engaged in the Security Council’s efforts on a range of issues.

While holding the presidency of the Security Council in June of last year, we contributed to the adoption of the resolution supporting a three-phase ceasefire deal to end the war in Gaza.

During Korea’s presidency, I also convened an open debate on cybersecurity, contributing to the formal inclusion of cyber issues on the Council’s agenda.

As president of the Security Council this September -- when the UN General Assembly will be hosting numerous world leaders to mark the historic 80th anniversary of the United Nations -- Korea will be steering the Council’s deliberations to strengthen the fabric of international peace and security.

Most probably, our next president will be the one in the chair’s seat.

We have also been working to promote a more coherent and integrated approach to preventing conflict and achieving sustainable peace by strengthening the nexus between humanitarian, development and peace efforts at the United Nations.

Our efforts to facilitate the conclusion of a treaty on plastic pollution last year, albeit unsuccessful, were not an exercise in futility.

Korea has also been a staunch supporter for the Global South in their efforts to achieve the SDGs and take stronger climate actions.

It is telling that our ODA grew by 30% in 2024 compared to the previous year, and has quadrupled since 2010 levels, while other major donors have been scaling down their contributions.

Together with other partners, we have also initiated efforts to help shape new international norms in areas like AI, by hosting the AI Seoul Summit and the 2nd Summit on Responsible AI in the Military Domain last year.

In collaboration with the Netherlands, Korea submitted the  first-ever UN resolution specifically focused on AI in the military domain, which was adopted at last year’s General Assembly with overwhelming support.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The core lines of efforts that I have highlighted have been serving as Korea’s compass for navigating the turbulent geopolitical waters of our time.

I genuinely believe that they have been true to Korea’s national interests and true to our deeply-held ideals.

Exactly one week from now, a new administration will be taking office in Korea.

I sincerely hope that the incoming administration will also see the wisdom in the approach we have taken.

Let me wrap up what is likely to be my last international speech as Foreign Minister on an optimistic note.

A quote from one of Korea’s most beloved poets -- a poet who has always been a fount of wisdom and strength for me personally : my late father.

“As I open my eyes, I hear no sound; As I shut my ears, I see no color: Only withered branches and frozen earth.

Spring is already in winter.

Grass, flowers, and fruits, All are hidden under the ice.

Always dreams are one step ahead of the season in our waking life.

When I close my eyes, standing in the sun, I see a world bathing in bright rays.” <소리>에서 발췌

However daunting the winter of the international landscape, our national interests and our ideals combined can help bring us safely to spring.

Thank you very much.

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